The 14-Part Letter
In Washington, radio had already picked off a lengthy Japanese diplomatic
message to its embassy there. The Purple Machines were wound up, and
Magic-making cryptologists had soon decrypted thirteen pages. A fourteenth
page was apparently to be sent later. Knox, Stimson, Stark, and Marshall had
all thirteen pages by 6 December. None of that transcript implied immediacy,
much less a coming Japanese move.
Page 14 was radioed to the Japanese Embassy very early in the morning of 7
December. Being a weekend, few personnel were available. A clerk unfamiliar
with typewriters was ordered in to transcribe it. It was a very slow one- and
two-finger typing process, but it had to be done as rapidly as possible; the
Ambassador was under absolute orders to be certain that it and the prior
pages were put together and delivered to Secretary of State Cordell Hull a
half-hour before 1 p.m. -- 8 a.m. in Hawaii. In this fashion, there would be
fair warning. The idea of a complete surprise attack had been raised during
planning, but was out of the question. Both the architects of Japanese
militarism and their foreign representatives were Samurai, and according to
their ancient Bushido Code, even a Samurai assassin bent upon killing a
victim in bed at home at night, however briefly must first wake him and throw
him a sword. Additionally, they well knew the horrid psychological risk of a
total surprise attack upon America.
But that fourteenth page had also been picked off the radio air
simultaneously by U.S. intelligence and swiftly decrypted. That it followed
the prior thirteen pages outlining intolerable and unresolveable national
differences was clear: an "execute" message, it turned the whole into a
declaration of war.
In Washington, Marshall, a fine Virginia horseman all his life, was as usual
out riding in a park that Sunday morning, and could not be reached. At 10:30
a.m., Stark was informed and urged to immediately telephone Kimmel in Hawaii.
Stark said no, he would first call Roosevelt -- whose White House telephone
operator said the President was not yet available. Stark did nothing more.
About the same time, Marshall phoned his office but refused to accept any
messages left for him, saying he would come down there personally. On arrival
he was handed the entire 14-part message. Instead of hearing out the urgent
analysis, or first reading the crucial last page, he carefully read the
entirety, then scribbled a dispatch to be sent all Army commands on the West
Coast, Philippines, Panama, and Hawaii. He then read it to Stark, who offered
to send it forthwith over the powerful Naval Radio system.
Marshall said no; he would use Army radio, with priority to MacArthur first.
But static interfered with transmission. So an Army aide took the handwritten
dispatch and gave it to Western Union, which took it down and telegraphed it
as an ordinary overseas cable. At Honolulu, the slowly transmitted cable got
no more priority than a doting mother's birthday greeting to her soldier son.
Treated as any other very routine item; it was pidgeonholed for later
delivery.
Moments before 8 a.m. Hawaii time, the vast Japanese carrier air armada began
its attack upon Pearl Harbor and its installations, planes, and ships.
Fiercely urgent radio word went out immediately. About this time the warning
cable from Marshall was being delivered, and it messenger held up halfway
there by the Pearl Harbor attack
In the Philippines, MacArthur, hearing of the Pearl Harbor attack, simply
locked himself in his office for hours, though his air commander banged over
and over again on his door, screaming for permission to fly his B-17s
northward to scout out possible incoming Japanese, to bomb them if seen, and
likely bomb Formosa as well. Meanwhile, just as had been the planes at Hawaii
and for the same easily-guarded reason, the Army aircraft were closely
grouped on their fields. That is where the Japanese found and bombed them
nine hours later. MacArthur was yet in his headquarters, locked in. Around
the same time Short finally got the cable transcript -- eight hours after it
was decrypted.
In Washington, Hull was in his State Department office. The full transcript
of the Japanese diplomatic message with its implied declaration of war had
been completely read when the first radio reports of the Pearl Harbor attack
were given him a few moments after 1 p.m. D.C. time. He sat and waited. Over
in the Japanese Embassy, the solitary amateur typist was still pecking away,
one key at a time. Shortly before 2 p.m. the arrival of Japanese emissaries
Kurusu and Nomura was announced. Hull let them cool their heels few minutes
before admitting them to his presence. They offered him their transcript of
the Japanese declaration of war at 2:05 p.m., more than an hour after the
attack had begun. A birthright member of the ever-polite Eastern
Establishment and product of the very best of schools, a gentleman of
impeccable manners and invariable calm, Hull's reaction to the two
tailcoat-suited Japanese was one of pure, unadulterated, unlimited, roaring,
white-faced anger.
Blame!!!
The official fallout followed swiftly. King was relieved of his Atlantic
Fleet command, brought into Washington, and given an interim title. Stark was
relieved of being CNO, and assigned as the U.S. Navy's top representative to
Great Britain and the Royal Navy. The moment he left, King took over. Kimmel
and Short were both relieved, ordered home, and replaced. The American public
was in a state of fervent overnight patriotism mixed with unmitigated fury at
whomever was responsible besides the Japanese themselves. Congress had to
act, and did.
The first official investigation began in days and was headed by none other
than one of the nation's top jurists, Associate Justice Owen J. Roberts of
the U.S. Supreme Court. Duly known as the Roberts Commission, it put Kimmel
and Short immediately on the defence, for they were the top commanders at
Pearl Harbor. The Commission moved with both alacrity and indifference to
ordinary rules. It allowed no sworn testimony, no due process, no witnesses
to be called by either man in their own defence, and no right for either to
cross-examine other witnesses. In January of 1942, the Commission released
carefully selected negative portions of its material to the press.
Essentially, it blamed Kimmel and Short individually for the entire failure
to defend Pearl Harbor and all the consequent damage and casualties there.
Formal Army and Navy moves of inquiry were parallel; they pronounced the men
guilty of Dereliction of Duty and Errors of Judgement, both charges extremely
serious, but neither, as put, entitling either man to a general court-martial
-- at which witnesses could be called and cross-examined, and a stern defence
made, publicly if wished. Both men were swiftly reduced to their permanent
ranks -- Kimmel to rear-admiral, Short to major-general -- and told they were
through, and forthwith retired. All of this got considerable publicity. By
this time, the furious public, had it been able to lay hands on them, very
possibly would have lynched both from lampposts.
Not long after, MacArthur was ordered to Australia, and fled the Philippines
in a PT boat. On arrival he sought for supreme Pacific command, but had to
settle for command of the Southwest Pacific forces both miltary and naval,
and award of a Medal of Honor -- doubtless the only time a losing commander
who departed the scene ever got any valor award at all. Later, he was made a
5-star general. Turner was never mentioned, and wound up in other Navy
positions by war's end. Marshall got a fifth star, retired from the Army
postwar, and became Secretary of State and architect of the famed Marshall
Plan to rebuild Europe. Stark retired postwar, as did King, who also got a
fifth star.
In 1944, the Navy held a formal Court of Inquiry into it all, this time
promising Kimmel due process. It exonerated him (and by analogy also his Army
counterpart, Short), and severely criticised Stark. Fleet Admiral King, who
had long been a good friend of Kimmel, rejected its findings, denied them any
publication, and reinstated the Roberts Commission charges. Kimmel, saddened
and mystified, got no explanation from King. That same year, Kimmel first
learned of Purple and Magic.
In 1946, a Joint Congressional Committee held hearings on Pearl Harbor.
Though Kimmel testified, every effort was made to divert any possible blame
from Roosevelt or his Administration, and Kimmel again coult not
cross-examine witnesses, call witnesses for himself, or post a true defence.
Indeed, one Navy petty officer who actually took the "East Wind Rain" decrypt
was warned by his commanding officer NOT to testify -- and didn't.
Various reports and investigations and stories official and unofficial have
followed off and on ever since. Another began in 1995, and a Pentagon report
admitted that Kimmel and Short did not get sent crucial messages, and that
others should "share the blame." But it never said that the charges should be
lifted from either man, or mention promoting them back to their higher former
ranks, nor who in Washington or elsewhere might specifically hold part of the
blame.
The intensity of the original search for scapegoats has been equalled by the
persistence of those determined to restore the ranks and reputations of
Kimmel and Short. In the former's case, he had three sons, lost one to combat
in 1944, and the other two and their children carry on attempts to clear his
name. Short's only son died, but his grandson carries on.
It is most unusual -- almost unique -- for top politicians of far-opposite
views to agree on anything. But most recently, both Senator Edward M.
Kennedy, Democrat of Massachusetts and one of that body's most
liberal-leaning figures, and South Carolina's nonogenarian and deeply
conservative Republican Senator Strom Thurmond -- both of whom well remember
World War II -- are in total and loud formal agreement that complete
posthumous restoration of their ranks and reputations not only should be
made, but is publicly owed.
In October, 2000, Congress passed a Resolution clearing Kimmel and Short of
any wrongdoing at Pearl Harbor, and allowed the President, in his capacity as
Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, to restore the lost ranks of both
men. Former President Clinton did not sign it before leaving office. Kimmel's
family, led by namesake Husband E. "Ned" Kimmel II of Davidsonville,
Maryland, is still waiting for action.
Interestingly, key Pentagon officials yet argue that at bottom, the ultimate
responsibility must always rest with the commander-on-site, and consistently
refuse to consider restoration.
Of course, to do so would automatically raise embarrassing questions about
Those Others.